Summary of Key Points:
Policy Initiative: Negotiate a Food Security Convention
(FSC) within the UN system that would elevate food security to
a high priority in international law. Conventions are treaties
that must be respected by other multilateral fora such as the
World Trade Organization.
Purpose: The purpose of a food security convention is
to increase stability in the food supply by reducing volatility
in agricultural markets, and by making food production and distribution
systems sustainable and equitable over the long term.
Principal Actors: Governments through the UN General Assembly
and UN agencies such as the Food and Agriculture Organization
and Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights, and civil
society organizations. Leadership for the development of the
FSC has come from the APM network, and interest has been expressed
by Collectifs Strategies Alimentaires, Oxfam Canada, ASOCODE Honduras,
the Rome Coalition on Food Security (PASTA) and groups involved
in the Mexican Forum on Food Sovereignty.
Calendar: The average time frame for the negotiation of
a convention is 10 years. Target date for a Food Security Convention
is 2005.
Background:
Beginning with the preparations for the World Food Summit and
continuing through the recent inaugural meeting of the Global
Forum on Sustainable Food and Nutritional Food Security with a
strong emphasis on the South, it has been evident that there is
a significant movement building to defend and promote food security
in an era of globalization. The question is not so much how to
catalyze this movement, but to bring focus so that there will
be more impact from our collective efforts. The Food Security
Convention could make a significant contribution toward this goal.
In preparation for the World Food Summit, groups of NGOs from
Latin America, North America, Europe and Africa, the majority
of them affiliated with the APM network, proposed that it was
time to negotiate a Food Security Convention to make food security
a high priority within the framework of international law. Multilateral
organizations ranging from the World Bank to the FAO were promoting
trade liberalization as the primary guarantor of long-term food
security. Civil society organizations favor a mix of policies
that will support peasant and family farm agriculture as important
contributors to domestic food security, with trade as a means
to complement domestic food production.
The proposal for a Food Security Convention debated at the NGO Forum at the World
Food Summit has several core elements:
The hope behind the Food Security Convention proposal is that
it will be an initiative that will keep building the movement
for food security around the world beyond the follow-up initiatives
to the World Food Summit and the renegotiation of the WTO agriculture
and TRIPs agreements in 1999 and 2000. Because food security
is the emphasis, this initiative creates significant opportunity
for leadership from southern countries struggling with the effects
of trade liberalization on food security.
Pros:
Cons:
1. A Food Security Convention depends upon the initiative and
involvement of the very governments that negotiated the World
Trade Organization agreements on agriculture and TRIPs. Unless
there is significant leadership from countries that have hitherto
held back from playing a major role in international food-related
trade negotiations, the FSC will have limited prospects for negotiation.
4. If it is handled incorrectly, work on the FSC could take
important energy away from opportunities offered with the renegotiation
of the WTO agriculture and TRIPs agreements, and struggles related
to regional trade liberalization regimes such as the Free Trade
Area of the Americas, Mercosur, APEC, and others.
Lessons from the past:
In opening this debate, we hope to take advantage of the lessons
learned during the negotiation of environmental conventions such
as the conventions on biological diversity, climate change and
desertification, to name a few.
1. Adopt a multiple proposal/single text approach to drafts
of proposed conventions. Involve cross-cutting clusters of countries
and non-governmental interests to prepare multiple initial proposals.
2. Create an active regional support structure for the agency
leading the negotiations. Convene regional clusters of countries
cutting across North-South lines to discuss strategies.
3. Provide informal support to countries that might require
pre-negotiation assistance. This is best accomplished through
regional collaboration, rather than through a centralized process
(match countries that can help each other). Provide assistance
before draft treaty language has been circulated.
4. Encourage constructive linkage to create economic incentives.
Identify points of difference that can work to mutual advantage.
5. Encourage greater variation in the categorization of countries
for the purposes of prescribing action or responsibility. Avoid
"lowest common denominator" by thinking about categories
of countries for which policy prescriptions vary. Create different
standards of responsibility/performance.
6. Encourage unilateral action by removing implicit and explicit
penalties for efforts that predate negotiated agreements. Establish
a baseline year after which any and all improvements will be counted.
Describe the types of improvements or efforts that will be counted.
7. Avoid the separation of science and politics in decision-making
and avoid advocacy science. Negotiate contingent agreements,
taking into account a variety of future scenarios.
8. Seek an expanded role for non-governmental interests within
and apart from national delegations. NGOs should participate
in pre-negotiation preparations and in post-negotiation implementation.
9. Stress the educative role of the media, particularly in developing
countries.
10. Consider several functional reforms in international institutional
arrangements that will facilitate the process improvements recommended
above.
Major Issues to Advance the Larger proposal:
This question can only be answered through wide-spread debate
and a dialogue among civil society in both net food importing
and net food exporting countries. There has not been sufficient
feedback to yet determine the parameters of a final convention
proposal.
As the FSC proposal came under debate at and following the World
Food Summit, regional variations in response emerged. Some Europeans,
for example, while supportive of the Convention concept, were
concerned that differentiating treatment of agricultural crops
through the lens of food security could skew production systems.
They feared new cycles of overproduction of some commodities
with consequent impact on surpluses and prices. In Canada, discussions
with NGOs and farmers' organizations led to a proposed revision
that only those crops that are part of indigenous peasant agriculture
production should be allowed different treatment under global
trade rules to support food security.
One of the proposals has received significant support among NGOs,
and there is hope that it could also be an appealing proposal
for governments-the creation of an international network of regional
food reserves. Food reserve policy has undergone an enormous
shift in recent years. The United States, for example, eliminated
the Farmer-Owned Reserve and is pursuing a zero-stocks policy,
moving grain directly from the farm to the market without setting
reserve targets. Increasingly, corporations are becoming the
world's grain reserve, with large industrial nations acting as
brokers when food aid is requested. The recent food crisis in
North Korea, in which the U.S. government worked to set up a grain
deal for Cargill, is one example. As part of their proposals
for the U.S. Plan of Action to implement the agreements from the
World Food Summit, U.S. NGOs are calling for the reinstitution
of the Farmer Owned Reserve and the development of an international
network of grain reserves. Debate about the Food Security Convention
played a role in raising the profile of the reserve issue.
2. What is the best approach to expand support for the Food
Security Convention and to get countries and UN agencies on board
as proponents of the convention?
In North America, Canadian groups have set an example. A symposium
sponsored by Oxfam Canada, the National Farmers Union, and the
Canadian Food Grains Bank brought together more than twenty representatives
of Canadian agriculture and hunger groups to evaluate the convention
and the Code of Conduct on the Right to Food for work on hunger
in Canada. The Canadian Home Economics Association included the
convention proposal in its food security study circles guide which
will be read by groups of home economists in each province and
used as a basis for discussion.
Calendar:
There is no calendar established at this time. However, the following
goals could be established:
3. Establish a drafting committee that includes representatives
from networks who are the strongest proponents of the convention,
representatives from UN agencies, and experts in international
law. The task of the committee is to convert the proposals raised
through debate at the grassroots into a viable proposal for a
convention. This proposal must still be viewed as a draft.
Karen Lehman phone: (612) 870-3403
Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy fax: (612) 870-4846
2105 1st Ave. S. email: klehman@iatp.org
Minneapolis, MN 55404 web: http://www.iatp.org/foodag/
December, 1997